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I’m most of the way through a long series (one, two, three, four, five, six, seven, eight) on Hyppolite’s Logic and Existence and his reading of Marx. Last time, I started on his reading of Marx in Logic and Existence.  As I noted, although the book involves a reorientation away from the Phenomenology and to the Logic, Hyppolite’s reading of Marx does not change significantly.  I want to note four points. Last time, I contrasted (1) the positivity that Hyppolite thinks is inextricable from Marx with (2) the negativity he thinks is important in Hegel.  This time, I’ll look at (3) Hyppolite’s specific complaint about alienation in Marx, and finally (4) his concession that historicity is also a significant problem for reading Hegel, a problem that is made very apparent by his usage of Heidegger.

3. Enough with the alienation!

For Hyppolite, Hegelian negativity shows the limits of humanist alienation.  “In Marx, the proletariat is the comprehension of human alienation and this comprehension is its existence” and “if objectification were not an alienation, history would stop” (L&E, 184).  So Marx has allowed the initial positivity of “man” to generate an endpoint that was pure positivity.  But no such endpoint is possible.  This is because the human individual is always “there for others and this for-others is the limit over which his subjectivity cannot go” (184).  Judith Butler’s reading of Hyppolite on the Phenomenology is helpful: “for Hyppolite, the absolute is not an achievement as such, but the dialectic of achievement and loss, the perpetual noncoincidence of beings and, in the human sphere, the permanence of desire, the inevitability of transience” (Subjects of Desire, 83).  Here, that reading is explicitly applied to Hegel tout court.

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I’ve been pursuing a long thread (one, two, three, four, five, six, seven) on the importance of Hyppolite’s Logic and Existence, and his reading of Marx.  Doing so has involved excavating a lot of historical context, as reading Marx in particular was indissociable from both the reception of his recently published early writings and debates in the Soviet Union that were reflected in the PCF.  Moreover, though Hegel was an absolutely central figure in postwar France, the interpretation of Hegel was up in the air.  Although very prominent, Alexandre Kojève’s humanistic version was seen as problematic for a number of reasons, not least because it abandoned good-sized chunks of Hegel’s corpus to maintain the anthropology.  Clearly in the shadow of his engagement with Heidegger, Hyppolite’s Logic and Existence opened the possibility of a non-humanist, non-anthropological version of Hegel that simultaneously resisted another prominent reading, one that assimilated Hegel into religion.  Hyppolite also wrote about Marx in the late 1940s and read Marx as a theorist of alienation.

In this post and the next, I’ll discuss Hyppolite’s reading of Marx in Logic and Existence.  Although the book involves a radical re-thinking of Hegel, or at least a radical reorientation away from the Phenomenology and to the Logic, Hyppolite’s reading of Marx does not change significantly.  I want to note four points. This time, I’ll contrast (1) the positivity that Hyppolite thinks is inextricable from Marx with (2) the negativity he thinks is important in Hegel.  Next time, I’ll look at (3) Hyppolite’s specific complaint about alienation in Marx, and finally (4) his concession that historicity is also a significant problem for reading Hegel.

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I’ve been working out a reading of the Hegel-Marx relation via Hyppolite in the early 1950s.  In previous installments (one, two, three, four, five, six), I’ve tried to develop a lot of the background for why the appearance of Hyppolite’s Logic and Existence in 1953 was so important in that context.  Last time, I made some general remarks on the book and started on what I take to be some interpretive guideposts for the it.  I argued that: (1) Hyppolite wants to decenter the Phenomenology in Hegel studies. Today, I’ll add (2) The Absolute is not to be understood as a substance and (3) Hyppolite makes heavy use of a Heideggerian middle voice in his exegesis.

2. Being is not a substance. Second, the absolute subject of all of this is “being.”  As with Heidegger, what “being” means is somewhat unclear, but the essential move of L&E is here, shifting the subject of the dialectic unambiguously to being and away from “man.” Hyppolite does not want us treating being as a traditional metaphysical subject, however.  For example, he insists that one not treat being as a “substrate:”

“Absolute being reflects itself and thinks itself. Representation, which is characteristic of empirical consciousness as such, is replaced by the concept. There is no longer any substrate [C’est l’être absolu qui se réfléchit et qui se pense. La représentation, qui est caractéristique d’une conscience empirique comme telle, fait place au concept. Il n’y a plus de substrat]” (L&E 150).

Or, contrasting Hegel with religion, he emphasizes “this Logos is not a divine understanding which would exist somewhere else in another world. It is the light of Being in human reality” (178). As John Heckman notes in his introduction to the translation of Genesis and Structure, there was a significant reading of Hegel in postwar France as religious, represented immediately after the war by Henri Niel, in De la Médiation dans la philosophie de Hegel (1945) and several articles.  Hyppolite is thus partly distinguishing his reading from that. The need to do so in an anti-anthropological reading had already been signaled by Kojève, who argued in 1946 against a theistic reading of Hegel (citing Niel) that “Hegel understands and proclaims that what was called ‘God’ is, in reality, humanity, taken in the completed totality of its historical evolution” and “theology was always an unconscious anthropology” (“Hegel, Marx and Christianity,” 26).  That is, the structure of Christian thought is an abstract representation of reality, “man projected into the beyond,” but it is wrong only to the extent that it is a representation. In this sense, “the metaphysical anthropology of Hegel therefore preserves the fundamental categories of Christian theology. But can one say that the Hegelian transcendence of the spirit is anything other than the transcendence of man with respect to nature. Can one say that, for Hegel, objective-Reality is anything other than natural and human” (25)? 

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I’ve been working out a reading of the Hegel-Marx relation via Hyppolite in the early 1950s.  In previous installments (one, two, three, four, five), I’ve tried to develop a lot of the context for why the appearance of Hyppolite’s Logic and Existence in 1953 was so important in that context.  Here, I’ll start looking at L&E.  I’ll offer some general points on the text, and three basic interpretative points for making some sense of it: Hyppolite is interested in (1) decentering Hegel’s Phenomenology, (2) coming up with a way of understanding the Absolute that does not substantialize it, and (3) characterizing things in a way that recalls Heidegger’s use of the middle voice.  I’ll get to the general points and (1) today.

Recall that Lenin’s famous aphorism directed attention to Hegel’s Logic: “it is impossible completely to understand Marx’s Capital, and especially its first chapter, without having thoroughly studied and understood the whole of Hegel’s Logic. Consequently, half a century later none of the Marxists understood Marx!!” (LCW 38, 180).  Recall also that the French readings of Hegel, at least those of Kojève, Wahl and Hyppolite had been Phenomenology-centered, which tended to lead to a humanist Hegel.  Kojève in particular pushed Hegelianism as anthropology by way of the Phenomenology. Logic and Existence was Hyppolite’s development of his own Logic-centered reading of Hegel.  The consequence, as was immediately understood at the time, was to produce a non-humanist version of Hegel. 

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I’ve been working out some of the context for Hyppolite’s Logic and Existence and why it might matter for a reading of Marx (one, two, three, four).  Last time, I started a look at Hyppolite’s late 1940s reading of Marx; today I want to finish that.  Last time, I looked at (a) The line Althusser seems most bothered by – the “revision” to which Marx may be subject; and (b) the instrumentalization of the proletariat. Today I want to look at (c) Hyppolite’s priority on alienation in Marx, and (d) Hyppolite’s musings about the will to power.

(c) Alienation. What emerges quite clearly in Hyppolite is that he takes alienation to be central to reading all of Marx.  Marx’s early writings talk a lot about alienation. Hyppolite thinks that alienation is at the core of Marx’s mature work as well. He writes in the essay on Capital:

“The original idea, and, as it were, the seed of all Marx’s thought, is the idea of alienation, which he took from Hegel and Feuerbach. If one takes this notion as the starting point, defining human emancipation as man’s active historical struggle against every mode of alienation of his nature, one is then best equipped to set out the Marxian philosophical system and to achieve a structural understanding of Marx’s major work, Capital” (Studies, 130).

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I’ve been working out some of the context for Hyppolite’s Logic and Existence and why it might matter for a reading of Marx (one, two, three).  Last time, I looked at Althusser’s 1950 (anonymously published) critique of the use of Hegel in understanding Marx, an essay that seems to be particularly aggrieved by Hyppolite’s work of the late 1940s.  Here I want to turn to the offending Hyppolite essays, since one might want to know what Hyppolite said that was so horrible as to occasion such an acerbic response. Let’s look at a few things: (a) The line Althusser seems most bothered by – the “revision” to which Marx may be subject; (b) an instrumentalization of the proletariat; (c) Hyppolite’s priority on alienation in Marx, and (d) Hyppolite’s musings about the will to power.   I’ll look at the first two of these here, and the second pair next time.

All of these should be read against a background where Hyppolite leans into the Hegelian background of Marx; the essay on Capital begins by noting that “in order to understand Capital it is absolutely necessary to consult Marx’s philosophical works prior to his economic studies. Marx’s work presupposes an underlying philosophy whose various elements are not easily reconstructed” including Hegel and, sometimes in tension with Hegel and Darwin (Studies on Marx and Hegel, 126). And again:

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I’m working out a thread (part 1, part 2) suggesting that that Hyppolite’s Logic and Existence (1953), which reads Hegel through the Logic and not the Phenomenology, and thereby pushes a non-humanist reading of Hegel, mattered for the French reading of Marx, which hinged on whether Marx inherited humanism or anthropology from Hegel.  I then looked at the Soviet part of that equation, and how Stalinism required the rejection of Hegel, even as Stalin himself repressed (missed entirely?) the importance of Hegel to his own understanding of dialectics.  Here I want to continue this rather elaborate project of context-setting and say something about how this plays out in France in the person of Althusser.

Althusser’s anti-Hegelianism in the 1960s is well known and represents the gymnastics necessary to retain an anti-Hegelian view while also discrediting Stalinism, which became important after Krushchev’s destalinization program, which began with a speech in 1956.  In “Contradiction and Overdetermination” (1962) Althusser refers to Hegel’s understanding of supersession [= Aufhebung].  For Hegel, Althusser complains, “the survival of the past as the ‘superseded’ (aufgehoen) is simply reduced to the modality of a memory, which, furthermore, is merely the inverse of (that is, the same thing as) an anticipation” (For Marx, 115; I’m removing his constant italicization). 

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Last time, I started a thread on Hyppolite’s Logic and Existence (1953) and its non-humanist reading of Hegel, and how that bears on Marx interpretation.  The first step was to set some context, since Marx interpretation is always perilous, and was especially so during the 1950s, given the political demands of the French Communist Party (PCF), which were largely set by the Soviets and Stalinism.  What that meant in 1953 was to be anti-Hegelian.  I illustrated this with a passage from a speech by Georgi Zhdanov on the history of philosophy that showed both the anti-Hegelianism and the Stalinist provenance.  I promised three explanatory notes, and delivered one, which was about the selectivity of the Stalin/Zhdanov reading suppression of Hegel, which required some calisthenics around Lenin’s own engagement with Hegel.

This time, I’ll add a couple of more thoughts to situate the Zhdanov line.  To recall, he is criticizing a history of philosophy book for not emphasizing the radicality of Marx with regard to his predecessors.  Zhdanov says:

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One of Monday’s Supreme Court rulings, Chatrie v. U.S., has flown under the radar, but I think it’s a potentially important privacy case.  The case concerns the police practice of geofenced searches, in which the police would map out an area, usually a specified radius around a crime scene, and demand all of the cellphone location history data of everyone who was in that space over a given time period. The question before the court was whether this practice constituted a search under the 4^th Amendment.  The answer was yes (and predictably so, imo), but the opinions offer a really interesting window into competing understandings of privacy and how that interacts with Third Party doctrine, which essentially says that you have no remaining privacy interest in information that you have voluntarily disclosed to a third party (like an Internet platform).  The majority opinion, authored by Justice Kagan, Justice Gorsuch’s concurrence, and Justice Alito’s dissent offer three different underlying theories of the handling the data: as tech regulation (Kagan), as contract (Alito) and as property (Gorsuch).

First, the basic case.  Justice Kagan explains:

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In the US at least, as far as I can tell, Jean Hyppolite is largely unknown outside of specialists in 20c French thought and Hegel.  Hyppolite is best-known here for his influential Genesis and Structure of Hegel’s Phenomenology of Spirit, which appeared in 1946-7.  In 1953, however, he published Logic and Existence (L&E), which took on Hegel’s Logic and which reframed how one should read Hegel. At the end of L&E, Hyppolite says:

“The leading difficulty of Hegelianism is the relation of the Phenomenology and the Logic. Today we would speak of anthropology and ontology. The one studies the properly human reflection, the other the absolute reflection that passes through man” (189)

When L&E appeared, in 1953, this difficulty mattered a lot for the interpretation of Marx, which is my interest here, because the question of Marx’s humanism (or not) was a live one.  Those who said Marx was humanist usually read him through Hegel and his early works like the 1844 Manuscripts.  For its part, the French Communist Party (PCF) had forcefully rejected the study of Hegel and the relevance of Hegel to Marx, substantially because of the humanist implications of Hegel (as routed especially through Feuerbach), the very ones that Hyppolite associates with the Phenomenology and not the Logic.  As I will (eventually, not this time) note, Hyppolite proposes a radically non-anthropological Hegel in L&E, though he generally reads Marx as a humanist.

In any case, to set some context first. Arriving at the rejection of Hegel had been a process for the PCF (for this history see this paper by Fabrizio Carlino and this one by Serge Wolikow). Starting in the early 1930s, the PCF encouraged work on Marx’s texts; French readings of Marx had initially been receptive to the Hegel connection, using it to help legitimate the idea that Marx should be taken seriously as a philosopher.  Following the rise of Stalinism, references to Hegel became hostile by the end of the decade and engagement with many of Marx’s texts atrophied.

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